Banking
and the Anti-terrorism, Crime and Security Act 2001
The Anti-terrorism,
Crime and Security Act 2001 section 4 permits the government (Treasury) to
make a “freezing order” relating to the assets of individuals or organisations
it believes to have acted in a way that is detrimental to the UK
economy. It appears that some Scottish
MSPs are pressing for this power to be used against the personal assets of Sir
Fred Goodwin. It was used in 2008 to
freeze all of the UK-held assets of Landsbanki, the collapsed Icelandic bank. See
The
Times 17th March 2009 “Use Terrorism Law on Goodwin.” However, perhaps those advocating such action should read the Act
first.
Section 4(2)(a) refers to the Treasury reasonably
believing that action to the detriment of the United Kingdom’s economy
(or part of it) has been or is likely to be taken by a person or persons. However, section 4(3) and 4(4) must also apply. These refer to the person - (i.e. who is
believed to have taken or to be likely to take the action) - being (a)
the government of a country or territory outside the United Kingdom,
or (b) a resident of a country or
territory outside the United Kingdom. Enough there one might have
thought to make a freezing order against a person resident in the UK legally
impossible.
The
reference to terrorism law in the newspaper headline is unfortunate and arises from the “short
title” to the 2001 Act. There is
little doubt that the use of a law referring to terrorism caused needless upset
within Iceland
– see, for example, The
Independent 24th October 2008. However, the use of this Act against the Icelandic Bank shows that the Act is far from confined to terrorism.
Explanatory
Notes to the 2001 Act
WSR: 023/09
Action in the United States against RBS?
It has been reported
that certain British Pension Funds are to sue Sir Fred Goodwin and the Royal Bank
of Scotland in the United States
courts. The view about this of Lord
Grabiner QC can be read at – “Times 17th March
2009 Pension funds face 'uphill task' against Sir Fred Goodwin and
RBS.”
Lord Grabiner also raised the question as to why the class action was taking place in the
American courts, if the pension funds felt that they had such a strong case in
English law.
“The reason must be because they think they will get a
more sympathetic hearing from a legal system that is more flexible than our
own, and where the level of damages awarded by American juries is commonly higher
than in England where juries have no role in civil commercial cases."
Certainly in English law,
it is far from easy to establish matters such as fraud or misrepresentation and
causation linking to actual loss has to be proved. The bigger the institution which buys, the
harder it is likely to be to establish such causation since large organisations
(unlike small buyers) will usually have taken independent expert advice prior to
purchasing.
WSR: 022/09
Conduct of
Summary Cases and Appeals
This relatively
straightforward case in the Magistrates’ Court turned out to be a complete
disaster - Brett
v DPP [2009] EWHC 440 (Admin)
The
appellant was charged with driving (on 4th April 2006) with excess
alcohol (Road Traffic Act 1988 s5) - namely 96 mgm in 100 ml of blood. [Blood limit is 80 mgm]. After 10 appearances a trial was finally
fixed for 13th August 2007 but that did not take place and it
finally came before a Deputy District Judge for trial on 3rd December
2007.
With
regard to this inordinate delay, Lord Justice Leveson said that it was “utterly
unacceptable” and he stated that parties who cause delay ought to be penalised
by cost orders.
Leveson
LJ also indicated that the case ought to have been appealed to the Crown Court
rather than using judicial review (which is essentially intended to deal with
disputed or doubtful legal points). He stamped
firmly on any idea that judicial review should be used “to improve the prospect
of the case not being tried at all” – “the sooner that those advising
defendants are disabused of the merit of such an approach the better.”
The court
also ruled that the District Judge at trial was not bound by an earlier
decision of the magistrates relating to the admissibility of the hearsay statement
of the blood sample analyst. Pre-trial
rulings are binding (unless there has been a change of circumstances) but here
the administrative court stated that there were different circumstances to
those at the time of the earlier ruling.
This case
demonstrates, yet again, the desire in the judiciary to get summary trials held
speedily and to discourage judicial review where an appeal to the Crown Court
against conviction would have sufficed.
WSR: 021/09
United Nations Report condemns the United Kingdom
The
Guardian
Monday 9th March 2009 has drawn attention to a report
produced for the United Nations which condemns the United Kingdom for its role
in breaching basic human rights and
"trying to conceal illegal acts" in the fight against terrorism. Our country now stands charged with, at
least, assisting others to breach human rights and turning a blind eye to
breaches committed by others.
The
prohibition against torture is an absolute and peremptory norm of nternational
law. States must not aid or assist in
the commission of acts of torture, or recognize such practices as lawful,
including by relying on intelligence information obtained through torture.
States must
introduce safeguards preventing intelligence agencies from making use of such
intelligence.
The
report points out that the United
States of America created a “comprehensive
system of extraordinary renditions, prolonged and secret detention, and
practices that violate the prohibition against torture and other forms of
ill-treatment.”
“This
system required an international web of exchange of information and has created
a corrupted body of information which was shared systematically with partners
in the war on terror through intelligence cooperation, thereby corrupting the
institutional culture of the legal and institutional systems of recipient
States.”
While
this system was devised and put in place by the United States, it was only possible
through collaboration from many other States. There exist consistent, credible
reports suggesting that at least until May 2007 a number of States facilitated
extraordinary renditions in various ways. States such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, Canada, Croatia,
Georgia, Indonesia, Kenya, the
former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Pakistan and the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland have provided intelligence or have conducted the
initial seizure of an individual before he was transferred to (mostly
unacknowledged) detention centres in Afghanistan, Egypt, Ethiopia, Jordan,
Pakistan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Syria, Thailand, Uzbekistan, or to one
of the CIA covert detention centres, often referred to as “black sites”. In
many cases, the receiving States reportedly engaged in torture and other forms
of ill-treatment of these detainees.”
There
can be little remaining doubt that Ministers in the present British government
were well aware of these events. They have
demeaned our country and should be called to account.
WSR: 020/09
Lloyds and
HBOS – Competition
The
Treasury has been asked to explain an alleged secret dossier at the heart of
the Lloyds takeover of Halifax Bank of Scotland – (Sky
News 1st March 2009). To
enable this takeover to happen, the government decided not to refer the matter
to the Competition Commission. A legal
challenge to that decision failed – see Merger Action Group v Secretary of State for Business,
Enterprise and Regulatory Reform – [2008] CAT 36 - Competition
Appeal Tribunal 10th December 2008.
The legal challenge was mounted under section
120 of the Enterprise Act 2002. The reasoning within government for deciding
against a referral to the Commission needs to be brought into the public
domain.
WSR: 019/09
? Bank
Regulation ?
The United Kingdom is
now enduring the largest financial catastrophe since the 1930s. There has been failure of monetary policy,
extreme risk-taking and imprudent lending within various banks and a clear
failure to achieve effective regulation of the financial industry – see The
Times 6th March 2009 “The
Politics of Printing Money” where it is argued that the need to expand
money supply by some £75 billion is the result of failure of financial policy
at all levels.
The UK currently
has a tripartite system of regulation. This
system is largely the creation of the government and of Gordon Brown in
particular. Regulatory responsibility is
divided between the HM Treasury; Bank of England and the Financial Services Authority.
There has
been no acknowledgment that this tripartite system has failed the general
public. Meanwhile, perhaps to deflect
criticism from governmental failures, there have been arguments about the remuneration
received by various bankers.
HM Treasury is the United Kingdom's
economics and finance ministry. The Treasury website informs us that – “It is
responsible for formulating and implementing the Government's financial and
economic policy. Its aim is to raise the rate of sustainable growth, and
achieve rising prosperity and a better quality of life with economic and
employment opportunities for all.”
The Bank of England is the central bank
of the United Kingdom
– founded in 1694, nationalised on 1 March 1946 gained its independence in
1997. The Bank’s website informs us that the Bank is committed to promoting and
maintaining monetary and financial stability as its contribution to a healthy
economy. The bank’s website contains a
tremendous degree of detail about its responsibilities and activities.
The Banking Act
2009 (Explanatory
Note) has now increased the responsibilities, powers and role of the
Bank. A key part of the Act is the
creation of the Special Resolution Regime to provide the tripartite authorities
- HM Treasury, Bank and Financial Services Authority - with a framework to deal
with distressed banks.
The
Banking Act 2009 is already bringing about enormous complexity in the law. A large number of Statutory Instruments have
already been issued under the Act. (Section
259 summarises the considerable number of statutory instrument making
powers). A particular concern about the
2009 Act is that it has exempted certain decision-making from the Freedom of
Information Act – see BBC.
The Financial Services Authority operates within
the terms of the Financial
Services and Markets Act 2000 – (Explanatory
Notes). The FSA has a Board
appointed by HM Treasury and it has 4 regulatory objectives (2000 Act section 2):
(a) market confidence; (b)
public awareness; (c) the
protection of consumers; and (d) the reduction of financial crime.
It is
hard to accept that this regulatory regime is either efficient or
effective. The whole appearance is one
of regulatory failure; unwillingness to intervene and willingness to allow
those who have been undoubtedly responsible for management of banks to escape with
rewards way beyond the dreams of the vast majority of people.
See also Banking Act 2009 – Special Resolution Regime – Code of
Practice
Additional Items:
Government
acquires majority shareholding in Lloyds Bank – Times
7th March 2009 and BBC 7th March
- It was the January takeover of HBOS - a move that was supported by the
government - that has caused the problems at Lloyds.
Also Telegraph
7th March 2009 – an article which suggests that the futures of
Sir Victor Blank (Lloyds Chairman) and Mr Daniels (Chief Executive) look “increasingly
shaky” but it appears that Sir Victor may have the support of “senior
Government figures” since they believe that he will help push through difficult
decisions. It is also stated that Mr Daniels “has become very frustrated with
the Government's mounting interference over issues such as bonuses.”
This blog (Parliamentary Connections)
argues that Gordon Brown has lost the debate over the future of financial
regulation. Within the European Union,
as a result of the Larosiere
Report - (full
report) - there is now a move to set up three new agencies: European
Banking Authority, the European Securities Authority and the European Insurance
Authority. These would be supra-national
regulatory bodies. It appears that the
present British government, thinking that it has all the answers, is giving
this report a rather lukewarm reception.
WSR: 018/09
Use of Community Orders
and Suspended Sentence Orders
An interesting report entitled “The
Community Order and the Suspended
Sentence
order three years on: The views and experiences of probation
officers
and offenders” has been published by the Centre for Crime and Justice Studies.
The report argues that government attempts to slow a
rapidly rising prison population by a reformed, and credible, community
sentences framework have largely failed.
Indeed there is evidence that the
Community Orders and Suspended Sentence Orders, which came into effect in April
2005, are contributing to the rise in prison numbers, rather than helping to
arrest its growth. See Crime and Justice
Studies
WSR: 017/09
Freedom of
Information – Ministerial Veto
On 27th
January 2009, The Information
Tribunal (by a majority) ruled that formal Cabinet Minutes of 13th
and 17th March 2003 should be disclosed. In this “exceptional case” there were “very powerful public interest reasons why disclosure was in the
public interest.” Read the Tribunal’
decision here.
On 23rd
February 2009, Mr Jack Straw (Secretary of State for Justice and Lord
Chancellor) issued a certificate under section
53 of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 which, in effect, prevents publication
of those Minutes (even in redacted form).
It appears that, on 13th and 17th March 2003, the Attorney-General’s
advice concerning military action against Iraq was at least referred to in Cabinet. Of course, we do not know how detailed the discussions were.
The
Ministry of Justice website
provides links to the Certificate issued by Straw and also to his reasons
(which, as required by the Act, have been placed before Parliament). Essentially, Straw justifies his certificate
on the basis of Cabinet Collective Responsibility – i.e. that Ministers can
speak frankly in private though they are supposed to maintain a united front
when decisions have been made. Robin Cook resigned
Straw
argued that there was already considerable information in the public domain - The Butler Report, the Hutton Inquiry, the Intelligence and
Security Committee and repeated investigation by both the Defence and Foreign
Affairs Select Committees of the House of Commons. Also, the Government released the Attorney General’s
legal advice. [The advice was released
only as a result of considerable public and political pressure].
Straw
states – “The Government is committed to ensuring public participation in its
decision-making: it exposes its thinking to Parliament and public via
parliamentary debate, public consultation, and engagement with the media. It
has opened itself to scrutiny in relation to the decision to use armed force in
Iraq:
it broke with precedent in putting that question before the House of Commons
for debate and a vote.”
Much of
what he says about respecting public opinion is somewhat unconvincing. The massive protests against going to war in Iraq were
ignored. Also, the fact that Parliament
“was allowed” to vote shows a major problem with the British Constitution as it
actually operates as opposed to how many consider that it ought to
operate. In any event, the Parliamentary
vote was not held until 27th February 2003 (BBC) – a long
time after it appears that Ministers had taken the decision to engage in
military action. Straw was one of those
Ministers – see The Times 1st
May 2005.
In
issuing this certificate, Straw has acted a judge in his own cause – a point
argued by Professor Slapper (Times). However, it is perfectly arguable that Straw
is right to maintain the confidentiality of Cabinet – see, for example, Martin
Kettle in The
Guardian 24th February.
Whilst the Tribunal described this is an “exceptional case” it would not
be long before other “exceptional cases” arose – e.g. about 42 day detention;
the Heathrow Airport expansion etc.
In
Lawobserver’s view, there is much force in an argument expressed on the “Head
of Legal” blog to the effect that the structure of the Freedom of
Information Act is seriously flawed.
There should not be a section 53 veto at all. The legislation should, subject to certain
defined exceptions, specifically protect Cabinet Minutes from
disclosure. [Defined exceptions would
allow for disclosure if, for example, the Minutes might reasonably reveal that Parliament may have been
misled or if they may reveal possible illegality].
It should be for a judge to rule on whether any exception applied (with
appeals permitted).
The
failure of the Act to protect Cabinet Minutes means that the Information
Tribunal has to consider whether “the public
interest in maintaining the exemption outweighs the public interest in
disclosing the information.” This is a rather vague test which leads to
the Tribunal making subjective (and maybe arbitrary) decisions.
It is
time that Parliament did its job of defining when Cabinet Minutes should be
released. The very existence of a
“ministerial veto” is a sign that legislation is dictated by the executive.
The
Tribunal’s reasoning is also bizarre.
The Tribunal saw the minutes in “closed session” and stated that the
decision in favour of disclosure was not based on the contents of the minutes
(see para 82 of the Tribunals’ decision).
If not based on the contents of the minutes then what else could it be
based on? Surely, the decision can only
sensibly be made as a result of the contents. Anything else appears to be arbitrary decision-making.
WSR: 016/09
Child
Support – another move toward executive powers
The
Government is taking away centuries-old rights to have disputes adjudicated
impartially by a court. See The Times 26th
February 2009 – “Child
Support Agency: tough new line leaves parents few appeal rights.”
WSR: 015/09
Age Discrimination in Employment
National Air Traffic
Services is a major provider of air traffic control services in the United Kingdom. An employment tribunal has found against NATS
in relation to the company having an upper age limit of 35 on recruitment of trainee
air traffic controllers – see Personneltoday.com The relevant law is in The Employment Equality
(Age) Regulations 2006 which came into force on 1st October
2006. WSR: 014/09
Coroners
and Justice Bill No. 5 - Sentencing Council
Clause
100 of the Coroners and Justice Bill states that “There is to be a Sentencing Council for
England and Wales.” Schedule
13
makes provision about this Council.
This new Council will replace the existing Sentencing Guidelines Council
set up under the Criminal Justice Act 2003 s.167.
The
purpose of the Sentencing Council will be to make guidelines for sentencing of
offenders and the matters to be taken into account by the Council are set out
in Clause 102(11): (a) the sentences imposed by courts in England and Wales for
offences; (b) the need to promote consistency in sentencing; (c) the
need to promote public confidence in the criminal justice system; (d) the
cost of different sentences and their relative effectiveness in preventing
re-offending; (e) the results of the monitoring carried out under
section 110.
By
Clause 107 – Every court will have a duty, in sentencing an offender, to follow
any sentencing guidelines which are relevant to the offender’s case, and
must, in exercising any other function relating to the sentencing of offenders,
follow any sentencing guidelines which are relevant to the exercise of the
function, unless the court is satisfied that it would be contrary to the
interests of justice to do so.
This
is a very prescriptive form of words and is worded differently to the Criminal
Justice Act 2003 s.172 which currently requires a court to “have regard to”
guidelines though there is a duty on a court to give reasons if departing from
guidelines (CJA 2003 s.174).
It
is of concern that the mechanism in the Bill will, if enacted, considerably
reduce the scope of the exercise of judicial discretion in sentencing and it appears
that the Magistrates’ Association is raising this issue – The
Times 26th February 2009. WSR: 013/09
Ferguson
v British Gas Trading Ltd [2009] EWCA Civ
46
This interesting case was brought
by Lisa Ferguson who was thoroughly fed up with the conduct of British
Gas. She brought an action against them
for harassment contrary to the Protection from Harassment Act 1997.
WSR: 012/09
Guantanamo Bay: Torture: Binyam
Mohamed
Here is a link to the High Court’s
ruling in R (Binyam Mohamed) v Foreign Secretary [2009] EWHC 152
(Admin).
This is the fourth judgment
generated by the detention of Binyam Mohamed.
The issue in this case was whether the Administrative Court (part of the High
Court) should restore a short summary of certain reports which had been omitted
from the first judgment. The reports has
been supplied to the UK by
the USA. The Foreign Secretary claimed that the
summary should not be restored since it would damage intelligence sharing
arrangements between the two countries.
Comment:
The case contains much fine
language about abhorrence of torture and the importance of open and public
administration of justice. However, an argument that public interest
immunity must not be allowed to hide iniquity was rejected. It is difficult to
see how the obscene and hideous practice of torture can be eliminated if States
are enabled to keep any possible State involvement from the public. Regrettably,
the whole matter has a worrying ambience and justice and the public's
"right to know" seems to be the loser.
1st Judgment
2nd Judgment
3rd Judgment
4th Judgment
WSR: 011/09
Coroners and Justice Bill – No 4
Bail in Murder Cases
The Coroners and Justice Bill contains Clauses 97 and 98 which seek to amend the law
(in the Bail Act 1976) relating to
bail in murder cases. Where a person is charged with murder he may not be
bailed unless the court is of the opinion that there is no significant risk of
the defendant committing, while on bail, an offence that would, or would be
likely to, cause physical or mental injury to any person other than the
defendant. It seems that it will be for the prosecution to show that
there is such a significant risk as opposed to a defendant having to show that
there is no such significant risk.
A person charged with murder may
not be granted bail except by order of a judge of the Crown Court and, if
granted bail, any breach of bail proceedings must be heard by a Crown Court
judge.
A further amendment to the Bail
Act 1976 will require a court when considering bail for any indictable offence,
to have regard to whether further offending is likely to cause injury.
These changes arise from a Consultation carried out by the Ministry of
Justice during the summer of 2008. Responses to the consultation have been
published. This amendment to the law arises from public concern over a
number of cases. The cases of Garry Weddell and Anthony Peart are
referred to in the Consultation document.
Garry Weddell, who was
on bail awaiting trial for the murder of his wife, killed his mother-in-law
before taking his own life. On 27 July 2007 His Honour Judge Bevan QC granted Weddell
conditional bail after hearing evidence from a psychiatrist that he did not
think the defendant was a suicide risk.
Anthony Peart had a poor record of
adherence to bail conditions though at the time he killed Richard Whelan he was
not on bail.
A further case is that of Adam Swellings – a young person with a poor
record of offending including convictions for violent offences. He
attacked a Mr Collinson and appeared before Warrington Magistrates’ Court and
pleaded guilty to assault. The court bailed him pending sentence.
Whilst on this bail he killed Mr Garry Newlove.
See Ministry of Justice 2nd February 2009
WSR: 010/09
Coroners and Justice
Bill – No. 3
Part 2 Chapter 1 (Clauses 39-43) of the Coroners and Justice Bill deals with reform of
the law relating to the partial defences to murder of diminished responsibility
and "provocation." In fact, the Bill seeks to abolish
"provocation" as a partial defence to murder and replace it with a
new partial defence "loss of control". The proposed reforms contain
controversial elements. The Bill also seeks to amend the law relating to
infanticide (Clauses 44 and 45) and assisting or encouraging suicide (Clauses
46-48).
WSR: 009/09
Responding to Human Rights Judgments
The Ministry of Justice has
published a response to the parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights Report –
No.31 of Session 2007-08.
See “Responding to Human Rights Judgments” and “Response”
Also “Joint Committee Report – No.31 of Session 2007-08”
It is clear from the government’s
response that they do not accept criticism of the Inquiries
Act 2005. In particular, this is discussed in relation
to inquiries into certain deaths in Northern
Ireland – cases of McKerr,
Jordan, Finucane,
Kelly, Shanaghan and McShane v UK. The 2005 Act gives
Ministers significant powers in relation to inquiries and, for this reason, is
seen by many as failing to guarantee true independence.
The Annex to the Response gives
information about each of the 26 cases in which UK higher courts have made
Declarations of Incompatibility since 2nd October 2000 when the Human Rights
Act 1998 came into force. Some of those cases have had
highly significant impact on the law – for example:
R (on the application
of Anderson) v Secretary of State for the Home Department House of Lords; [2002] UKHL 46; 25
November 2002 The
case involved a challenge to the Home Secretary’s powers to set the minimum
period that must be served by a mandatory life sentence prisoner. Law
amended by the Criminal Justice Act 2003.
Bellinger v Bellinger House of Lords; [2003] UKHL 21; 10
April 2003 A
post-operative male to female transsexual appealed against a decision that she
was not validly married to her husband, by virtue of the fact that at law she
was a man. Law amended by the Gender Recognition
Act 2004.
A and others v
Secretary of State for the Home Department House of Lords; [2004] UKHL 56; 16 December 2004 The case concerned the detention
under the Anti-terrorism, Crime and Security Act
2001 of foreign nationals who had been certified by the Secretary of
State as suspected international terrorists, and who could not be deported
without breaching Article 3. They were detained without charge or trial in
accordance with a derogation from Article 5(1) provided by the Human Rights Act
1998 (Designated Derogation) Order 2001. Law eventually amended by the Prevention of Terrorism Act 2005 which created
“control orders.”
Smith v Scott Registration Appeal Court,
Scotland; [2007] CSIH 9; 24 January 2007 This case concerned the incapacity of convicted
prisoners to vote under section 3 of the Representation
of the People Act 1983. No change has been made as yet and the
matter is under consideration by the government.
WSR: 008/09
Coroners and Justice Bill 2009 – No.2
The Coroners and Justice Bill
(Part 1) seeks to radically reform the law relating to Coroners. Certain
aspects of the Bill are controversial. In particular, these include the
proposed ability for a government Minister to direct that an inquest be held in
secret and without a jury.
See Coroners and Justice Bill
WSR: 007/09
International Business Dealings
International Trade is of
fundamental importance to the overall economy and clarity as to the law which
will govern a contract is essential. The United Kingdom has now opted into
what is referred to as the Rome 1 Regulation.
The 1980 Rome Convention established uniform
rules for choice of law between EU Member States and the 1980 Convention was
implemented in the United
Kingdom by the Contracts (Applicable Law) Act 1990.
In 2005, the European Commission published a proposal to replace the 1980
Convention with a Regulation. However, the UK government initially decided to
engage in the negotiations but did not adopt the proposal. The stage has
now been reached at which the U.K.
has opted into the Regulation and it will come into legal force in all EU
member States (except Denmark)
on 17th December 2009. Further information on this can be seen
on the Ministry of Justice website – “New rules provide confidence for cross border trade”
In overall terms, the
Regulation is very similar to the Rome Convention. Both are built upon the same
principles: a choice of applicable law for the parties in most circumstances, clear
rules that apply in the absence of choice, a degree of flexibility for the
courts, and appropriate protection for weaker parties such as consumers.
See also:
WSR: 006/09
Obama: Executive Orders - Guantanamo etc
The important “executive
orders” issued by President Obama in his first two days in office can be seen
here – “White House.” These documents are very
detailed and cannot have been drawn up quickly as soon as Mr Obama entered the
White House. A lot of preparatory work must have gone into them.
An executive order in the United States is a directive issued by the President,
the head of the executive branch
of the federal
government. U.S. Presidents have issued
executive orders since 1789.
The orders relating to ensuring
lawful interrogations and to order review of detention policy options and closure
of detention facilities (including Guantanamo
Bay) are particularly
welcome. They are principled decisions by the new President but should
not be taken as a sign that America
is becoming weak.
It is interesting to speculate
whether the change of administration in the USA will now lead to a change in
the stance of the British government in some areas of foreign policy. The
British government had considered it acceptable to enter into memoranda of understanding with certain countries to the
effect that persons returned to those countries would not be tortured.
Such agreements were considered by the European Court of Human Rights in Saadi v Italy (a case in which the UK government intervened).
The court confirmed the absolute nature of Article 3 of the Convention.
Released on 20th
July 2008 was an immensely important report by the House of Commons Foreign
Affairs Committee – Foreign Affairs Ninth Report. The report examined a considerable
number of issues relating to British Foreign Affairs including Human Rights,
the Arms Trade, Cluster Munitions, International Criminal Law, Rendition, the US and Torture, UK Officials and Torture, Diplomatic assurances,
Guantanamo Bay etc.
The report made a considerable number of observations and recommendations.
There is some
suspicion that the UK
government lowered its ethical standards as a result of its desire to be seen
to support and stand “shoulder-to-shoulder” with the Bush administration.
Any such lowering of standards was not supported by the vast majority of
right-thinking British people.
Some references:
See Executive Orders and also the link to the
orders made by President Obama - White House
House of Commons
Foreign Affairs Committee – Foreign Affairs Ninth Report
WSR: 005/09
It’s a free country surely?
The Guardian is raising the
profile of how liberty in the United
Kingdom is being eroded under what Lord
Phillips (now senior Law Lord) referred to as “the
torrent of legislation” pouring out. It is estimated that
some 3600 new criminal offences have been created since Labour came to power in
1997. Within the whole process there is a clear trend of centralising
control over the population and giving powers to numerous officials who must be
obeyed upon pain of possible fine or even imprisonment.
See LibertyCentral
The new LibertyCentral website
contains an A-Z of the legislation passed in recent years and is, for that
reason alone, a worthwhile resource. Acts are described and their salient
features are pointed out. However, it is not just the primary legislation
which is in issue. It is now very common for Acts to grant extensive
powers to Ministers to fill in the detail. The Act becomes little more than
am enabling framework giving legal cover to what Ministers do. The extent
of such powers ought to be a major cause for concern – see Henry Porter in The
Guardian “Labour’s attack on Parliament invokes Henry VIII”
WSR: 004/09
Burglary of
Dwelling Houses - Sentencing
R v Saw and others [2009] EWCA Crim 1
Lord Judge LCJ
said – “The starting point must always – we emphasise, always - be that
burglary of a home is a serious criminal offence. The principle which must be
grasped is that when we speak of dwelling house burglary, we are considering
not only an offence against property, which it is, but also, and often more
alarmingly and distressingly, an offence against the person. There is a
longstanding, almost intuitive, belief that our homes should be our castles.
The concept suggests impregnability and defiance against intrusion. In the
phrase coined by Sir Edward Coke in 1628, when compiling his Third Institute
of the Laws of England, our homes should be our "safest refuge",
where above all we should enjoy secure tranquillity and untroubled peace.
Something precious is violated by burglary of a home, and those who perpetrate
this crime should be sentenced and punished accordingly.”
The court stated that burglary
offences can vary considerably in seriousness and then went on to examine the
sentencing framework; aggravating features and mitigation. However, the
overall impact of this judgment should be an increase in the sentences imposed
on many burglars. The case is to be welcomed and the passing of the
previous guidance in the 2002 cases of R v McInerney and R v Keating should not
be mourned. Those cases were controversial and difficult to apply.
WSR: 003/09
The Coroners and Justice Bill
Yet another blockbuster Bill
dealing with Criminal Justice and reform of the Coronial system has been put
before Parliament – see Parliament. The Bill, as presented to
Parliament on 14th January 2009, contains some 162 sections and 18
Schedules. In addition, the Bill would give government numerous powers to
create subordinate legislation. The Bill deals with Coroners; the law
relating to murder, infanticide and suicide; images of children; anonymity in
investigation; anonymity of witnesses; vulnerable and intimidated witnesses;
live links; sentencing; criminal memoirs and amends the Data Protection Act
1998.
The Ministry of Justice
announcements about this Bill can be seen here: “New focus on
victims of crime and the bereaved” and “Charter for the
bereaved”
WSR: 002/09
Defiance of the European Court
of Human Rights
In late 2008, Lawobserver reported
on the handover by the British of two Iraqi men to the Iraqi authorities.
This handover was contrary to a ruling of the European Court of Human
Rights. It now appears that lawyers are challenging the actions of the
British government – see The Guardian 12th January 2009.
The Guardian reveals that a high court judge (Coulson J) also ruled that the
men should remain in the custody of British troops in Basra pending a fresh hearing. However,
the judge rescinded his order when informed that the men had already been
handed over at 2.20 pm on 31st December 2009.
Just what the English courts can
do about this is not particularly clear at this stage. The men had been
handed over before Coulson J made is ruling. However, it is beyond doubt
that the government knew of the European
Court’s ruling. The government claims that
for them NOT to have handed the men over would have breached international
law. However, the UK
had agreed with Iraq that
British Forces could remain in Iraq
until the end of July 2009.
R (Al Saadoon and Mufdhi) v Secretary of State for Defence
[2009] EWCA Civ 7
WSR: 001/09
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